Śrīvijaya―towards Chaiya 2009年4月16日―2010年9月20日
so many misunderstandings and confusion on the early stage history of
In this paper what I
try to discuss is on the history of the trade between the East and West in the Śrīvijaya times at the same time I would
like to relocate the capital of Shih-li-fo-shi
Shih-li-fo-shi in the Tang（唐）times was well known as Śrivijaya. San-fo-chi (三仏斉) which appeared in 904 at the last stage of the Tang Dynasty（618~907）was acknowledged by the Tang officials as Śrivijaya. And in the Sung times, it was recognized as San-fo-chi, which according to Chau-Ju-ka（趙汝适）, started sending embassies to China since 904.
Between Shih-li-fo-shi (室利仏逝) and San-fo-chi (三仏斉), there was ‘new Kha-ling (Śailendra). They were all Śrivijaya. Śrivijaya consists of many states more than fourteen, most of them were ‘port states’ related with trade, The champion states of them were, in Shih-li-fo-shi times Chaiya, Kha-ling times central Java and San-fo-chi times Jambi and Kedah.
The rulers of Funan (扶南) after kicked out from Cambodia
fled to Pan-pan (盤盤). They established a new
state called Shih-li-fo-shi. Before
making Shih-li-fo-shi, they merged
other states in the
Shih-li-fo-shi sent an
expeditionary navy to put Malayu (末羅瑜), Jambi (占卑) and Palembang (浡淋邦) under its control in early
680s. After successful campaign Shih-li-fo-shi set up several inscriptions near
However, around 745,
Chen-la attacked the capital of Shih-li-fo-shi, and occupied Chaiya and Nakhon
Si Tammarat. At the same time the control of the
Around 830s, Śailendra
had lost helm in the central Java and soon after it was expelled from Java by
Sanjaya. Prince Bālaputra fled to Suvernadvipa (Sumatra and the
At the end of the
twelfth century the South Sung abolished the tributary system due to the
financial trouble, and intergrated into the ‘maritime custom system (市舶司制度)’. Under the new maritime custom
system, the role of San-fo-chi was diminished as the leading tributary country.
After 1178, the name of San-fo-chi disappeared from the chronicle of the South
Sung. The Yuan government inherited the ‘maritime custom system’, so the
individual state could trade with the custom officers at the major ports of
At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, the first
emperor Hongwudi (洪武帝) resumed the
tributary system. Then so-called’San-fo-chi’ appeared to the Ming court. This San-fo-chi
In the Chinese
chronicles, the names of many states were recorded, but in
For instance, the
location of Shih-li-fo-shi (室利仏逝) have been mistaken as Palembang.
It was not
On the contrary, a few states were firmly identified. For instance, Ke-da (羯茶) is Kedah, Pan-pan (盤盤)is Chaiya, Malayu (or Mulayu 未羅遊) is the estuary of Jambi. Tun-sun (典遜) is Tenasserim. Shepo (闍婆) is Java but the concept of Java was not clear before Tang.
With these basic
uncertainties, we cannot discuss the history of early
My conclusion is that Śrīvijaya was a well organized ‘commercial
oriented state’ that tried to monopolize the tributary embassies to
The relation of Funan
and Pan-pan had been not recognized properly for long time. Pan-pan was conquered by Funan’s Fan-shih-man(范師曼) at the early third century, since then Pan-pan was
utilized by Funan as the major trade port connecting to Takua Pa. Funan
imported the western precious goods through ‘the
Through the total history of the later Funan to Śrīvijaya, all of the kings were devotees of Mahayana Buddhism even though they paid respect to Hinduism.
The distorted history of
At the beginning of
the twenty-first century, few people doubt that the location of the Śrīvijaya was
Palembang in the Sumatra Island, because according to G. Coedès Palembang was
the center of the trade between the East and West in the Śrīvijaya times as
well as that of the Mahayana Buddhism. However it is quite dubious if the
hypotheses reflect historical facts or not. As the entrepôt between
In the history of Śrīvijaya, the role of
Historically from very
ancient times, Indian people and their influences came to
In the second phase,
Indian appeared in Southeast-Asia as traders. At first they brought Indian
products such as cotton clothes and beads. And next stage they came with the
western products such as frankincense, bronze lumps and various kind of Arabic
and Persian goods. These products were consumed by local people and re-exported
The reason why Indian
sought gold is very clear, because Indian economy needed more gold after huge
inflow of gold coins from
From the early third
century, Funan and Lin-ye (林邑＝Champa) appeared as major
tributary countries to China. Both countries dominated
Śrīvijaya is recorded
as one of the major tributary countries in the Tang Dynasty（A.D.618~907）. A famous Chinese
monk I-Ching (義浄) recorded in his travelogue “Nan-Hui
Chi-Kuei Nei-Fa Chuan＝南海寄帰内法伝” that he left Canton
in 671 on a Persian ship to India. He first visited the most frequent
international port, Shih-li-fo-shi, where he found a huge number of Buddhist
monks more than 1,000 who were undergoing training and practiced the high level
of study of the Buddhism. I-Ching stayed
there for six months to study the Sanskrit language. Before that Funan had been
the center of Buddhism in
I-Ching received warm welcome and treatment from the king of Shih-li-fo-shi and he was sent to the next port, Malayu (末羅瑜）by the king’s own ship. At Malayu, I-Ching stayed for two months, from where he turned the direction (転向) toward the east India, his final destination. On his way to the Northern India’s main port Tāmraliptī(耽摩立底), he stopped over Kedah（羯茶） and then the Naked People’s Island (裸人国), supposed one of the Nicobar Islands.
The locations of
Malayu, Kedah and the Naked People’s
around 1920, George Coedès gave ‘the decisive answer’ that Shih-li-fo-shi
should be pronounced as Śrīvijaya and
its location was
Nearly twenty years
earlier than G. Coedès, Dr. Junjiro Takakusu had published a book, “A Record of the
Buddhist Religion－as practiced in India and the Malay Archipelago” Oxford University,
is the translation of I-Ching’s “Nan-hai
Chi-kuei Nei Fa Chuan（南海寄帰内法伝）”.* In this
book, Dr. Takakusu attached a sheet of map which showed the course of I-Ching’s
reason why Dr. Takakusu brought Śrīvijaya
San-fo-chi is equivalent
to Śrīvijaya, so Dr. Takakusu might have misunderstood that
At the early stage of the
In a sense, at first
the Ming court was cheated by the king of
When Dr. Takakusu drew
this map, he could not read Shih-li-fo-shi as Śrīvijaya, but he wrote as ‘(Sri) Bhoga’.
The second mistake was Kedah. I-Ching wrote clearly as Khe-da(羯茶), which Dr. Takakusu read as ‘Kacha’, so I-Ching was ‘misguided’ to Aceh of the
The History of Ming Dynasty
(the Ming Shih) says that San-fo-chi (三仏斉)was formerly called Kan-da-li（or Kan-tuo-li、干陀利）. 「三仏斉、古名干陀利。劉宋孝武帝時、常遣使奉貢。梁書武帝時数至。宋名三仏斉、修貢不絶。」Kan-da-li is
equivalent to Kedah, so the Ming Shih is correct as for San-fo-chi which
started tribute in 904, at the last stage of the Tang times. The Ming Shih is also
correct that Kan-da-li was Kedah itself and started sending tributary missions
But the Ming Shih (明史)forgot about Shih-li-fo-shi, the first Śrīvijaya, the Ming Shih should have mentioned that Shih-li-fo-shi was the predecessor of San-fo-chi. Because Kan-tou-li had sent embassies to China during 441～563 and San-fo-chi sent its first envoy to the Tang in 904. There are more than three hundred years absence, which were covered by Shih-li-fo-shi and ‘new Kha-ling’ (Śailendra). But Shih-li-fo-shi, ‘new Kha-ling’ (Śailendra) and San-fo-chi are Śrīvijaya after all. So, the description of the Ming-shi is not accurate, but basically hits the vital historical point.
The Historical Development of Śrīvijaya
The predecessor of Śrīvijaya was Funan as G. Coedès says. Funan was kicked
G. Coedès thought Funan made a way for Java,
but Funan had no reason to go unknown land and at least not friendly country. In
the early 680s, Śrīvijaya conquered
At the beginning of the seventh century, the territory
of Śrīvijaya became the largest covering the Malay Peninsula, the
I suppose that Śrīvijaya was a well organized commercial
oriented state which tried to monopolize the tributary embassies to
Quaritch Wales says:
“I now appreciate that Fu-nan’s conquest of the region in the third century was largely stimulated by the desire to control the overland trade”.*
When I-Ching left
At the same time Śrīvijaya
invaded Jambi and
In 1963, an old
inscription was discovered at Sojomerto near Pekalongan in the center of Java,
on which the name of Dapunta Selendra
was engraved. Selendra is Malay language,
but it is apparently Śailendra in
Sanskrit. The inscription is not dated, but on paleographical grounds it can be
ascribed to the seventh century. It is the oldest inscription of the central
Java. This suggests that the Śrīvijaya’s
army from the
Chen-la’s occupation Chaiya and Ligor inscription
However the capital of
Śrīvijaya, Chaiya was invaded by Chen-la (Khmer)
around 745 A.D. and the rulers of Śrīvijaya abandoned Chaiya and Nakhon Si
Tammarat. Śrīvijaya shifted its
capital to the south territory, such as Kedah or Jambi or
In 747 the king of Chen-la visited the Tang court and the emperor offered a banquet to Chen-la’s mission. Chen-la resumed a tributary envoy in 750, after 33 years of absence.
1n 753, 755, 767, 771, and 780, Chen-la successively sent embassies to China, perhaps it became easy to send missions for Chen-la to the Tang after the occupation of Chaiya and Nakhon Si Tammarat. However the occupation of Chaiya could not perish Śrīvijaya, because Śrīvijaya had 14 vassal city-states and as the whole they could have survived. Chen-la had strong army, but its navy was not strong enough to defeat Śrīvijaya. On the contrary, Chen-la was easily defeated by the navy from Java, Śailendra.
26 years after disappearance of Shih-li-fo-shi from the chronicle of Tang, ‘Kha-ling(訶陵)’ resumed its tributary to China in 768. But the last mission from former Kha-ling was in 666 or 670*. It was nearly a century absence. This ‘new Kha-ling’ was Śailendra from the central Java. This means the Śailendra kingdom recovered Chaiya and expelled the army of Chen-la and grasped the hegemony among the Śrīvijaya group. This counter attack might have succeeded around in 765.
The position of the leader of Śrīvijaya group might have been given to the king of Śailendra, after its victory over Chen-la army at Chaiya and Nakhon Si Tammarat. The victory of the Śailendra kingdom was commemorated at the Ligor inscription dated 775, in which the hegemony of Śailendra among the Śrīvijaya group was declared.
The title of ‘Mahārāja’
was given to the king of Śailendra. Formerly
Śailendra was one of the Śrīvijaya’s fourteen subordinate city-states.
The Xin Tang-Shu（新唐書）says Śrīvijaya had fourteen of vassal states and
was governed separately by two administrative divisions. The names of these
states were not recorded but apparently Śailendra
(Śrīvijaya Java) was one of them, and
It is quite mysterious
that Śailendra sent embassies to the Tang Dynasty under the name of Kha-ling (Ho-ling=訶陵), and the court of the Tang Dynasty seemed unaware
of Śrīvijaya’s disappearance and at the same time the ruler of Kha-ling had
changed from Sanjaya to Śailendra. As a matter of fact, Śailendra did not
inform the Tang Dynasty that they established helm in the central Java. Many
things were behind curtain, but important changes happened since the second
half of the seventh century in the Malay Peninsula, the
In Java Sanjaya and Śailendra might have been co-existing after the invasion of Śailendra, which probably occurred around in 686. The kingship of Sanjaya might have been pushed away to the east Java, where had been more productive and more populated.
These political changes in the seventh century
at the middle of the
Before construction of
the Ligor inscription in 775, Śailendra might
have conquered temporarily the southern part of Chen-la, and the Mahayana
Buddhism was forced to prevail in
Apparently the kings
of Funan believed in Buddhism, and the rulers of Chen-la hated Buddhism as the
religion of the Funan kingship. The rulers of Pan-pan were Buddhists though
they accepted Brahmans from
Chen-la sent embassies
The power of Śailendras did not decline at the end of the eighth century. Perhaps Jayavarman II was a sponsored king of Śailendras and his declaration of independence might have been a kind of ‘pretentious announcement’ for Cambodian people. After the declaration of independence, he had not been treacherous to Śrīvijaya
R.C. Majumdar says:
“Taking Java of the inscription to be
identical with Zābag of the Arabian account, it is
reasonable to refer the ‘old’ story of Sulaymān to the
Sulaymān told that Zabag king
invaded Chen-la with big navy and beheaded the king of Chen-la and afterwards returned
his head which was well washed and embalmed, to the prince of Chen-la. * This story sounds like fictitious,
but the process of the history tells us the supremacy of Śrīvijaya over Chen-la
for long time. Once Chen-la kicked out Funan from
Jayavarman II, who
might have been captured by Śailendras at Chaiya district and sent to Java, came back to
My understanding is that before and after the declaration of independence, Jayavarman II had been under the thumb of Śailendras and he did not seem to take refuge ‘voluntarily’ to Java. Perhaps he was captured near Chaiya or Nakhon Si Tammarat with his family and was forced to go to Java. Coedès points out that’ the influence of Śailendras is apparent that in 791, some rulers of Cambodia erected an image of the Bodhisattva Lokeśvara at Prasat Ta Keām.’*
Jayavarman II reigned
until 869, but the last tribute from ‘land Chen-la (陸真臘)’ was in 798. The ‘water Chen-la
tribute to the Tang court in 813 and 814. However Chen-la totally stopped
sending embassies until 1120. If Jayavarman II regained real independence, he should
not have stopped sending envoys with tribute all of a sudden, because trade
This nearly three hundred
years interval suggests the continuation of the suppression from Śrīvijaya (Śailendra
and San-fo-shi) against Chen-la. The helm of Śailendra was still in Java at the beginning of the ninth century. Śailendra started construction of the
merchants crossed the Bengal bay to the Malay Peninsula ports such as Kedah and
However they found out
the solution to save time and cost. They developed and used the trans-land
route to the east coast of the Peninsula such as Chaiya, Nakhon Si Tammarart,
Songkhla, Pattani, and Kelantan from the west coast harbors such as
The First route: The
shortest route was from
Second route: From Kedah to Songkhla, Pattani and Kelantan is called ‘B-route’.
This route had been the largest before fifteenth century as the merchants ship
increased from the Southern India, Arab and
The Third route: From Krabi, Khlong Thom and Trang to Nakhon Si Tammarat, supposedly old Langkasuka (Lang-ya-su,狼牙須). This route was intermediate one between route A and B. The history of this route began at the third century, but perhaps Langkasuka was conquered by Fan-Shi-Man (范師曼) of Funan.
I call this route as ‘C-route’. This C-route was
absorbed before the Sui Dynasty by the ruler of B-route, namely Kan-tou-li which
later became Chi-tu (赤土). The origin of Chi-tu is not clear
at all and we can recognize it only by the Sui-Shu, however it is highly
probable the location of Chi-tu was in the middle of the
this route, Indian culture, Buddhism came to Pan-pan and Funan. At the Tang
times, at Pan-pan, there were more than ten Buddhist temples. After collapse of
historical states belonging to ‘B-route’, recorded
as tributary countries to
① Kha-la-tan (Ho-lo-tan=呵羅単）; 430~452
② Kan-tou-li (Kan-da-li=干陀利)；441～563
③ Tan-tan (丹丹、単単)；531～616
④ Chi-tu (赤土)；608～610
⑤ Po－hang (婆皇)：442～466 and Po-da (婆達) or Java-Po-da(闍婆婆達) : 435~451
(Ho-lo-tan=呵羅単）was located at the
east coast of the Malay Peninsula, which might be economically and politically
connected with Kedah (‘Kha-la’ suggests Kalah=Kedah) . Kha-la-tan was known to
Kha-la-tan sent embassies to the
First Sung (420~479) in 430, 433, 434, 435, 436, 437, 452 and stopped suddenly.
If Kha-la-tan was a state in the
RC Majumdar says, believing Kha-la-tan located in Java;
“It is not clear whether Ho-lo-tan
(Kha-la-tan) denotes a kingdom comprising the whole of the
“If we are to judge from the existing
antiquarian remains in Java, we may presume that the kingdom of Ho-lo-tan
represents the kingdom in
Majumdar’s theory is broadly accepted by many historians, but the
Kha-la-tan sent several embassies and disappeared from the record of the First Sung in 430~452. Then who was the successor? We have two candidates, Tan-tan（丹丹） and or Kha-ling（訶陵）.
was apparently the state of central Java which sent the first mission in 640. However
these 200 years absence is not realistic. We cannot directly link Kha-la-tan to
Kha-ling. Kha-ling could not be an immediate successor of Kha-la-tan. In the first half of the fifth century,
The History of the First Sung Dynasty (Sung-Shu、宋書)
that Mahayana Buddhism was flourishing in Kha-la-tan, but there exists no
remains of Buddhism in Java of the fifth century. Buddhism flourished in Java
under the Śailendra Dynasty. So, Kha-la-tan could not have been in Java, but
was located in the eastern part of the
The ambassadors of
Kelantan possibly exaggerated the presence of the kingdom. But, the main
business route was connected with Kedah, where was the major port for Indian merchants.
The name of ‘Kha-la-tan’ suggests its special connection with old Kedah. In the
early fifth century the function of Kedah began as an international trading port.
The merchants of Kedah needed exporting ports at the east coast of the
G. Coedès talks about Chi-tu (赤土) and Kelantan:
most interesting document comes from the northern district of Province
Wellesley. It is an inscription carved on the upper part of a pillar, on each
side of which is determined a sutopa crowned by a seven tiered parasol. The
Sanskrit text consists of a Buddha stanza and a prayer for successful voyage
formulated by the master of the junk (mahānāvika), Buddhagupta, of the
This Red-Earth Land, known to the Chinese under the name Chi-tu(赤土), must have been located on the Gulf of Siam, in the region of Phatthalung or Kelantan. The Chinese do not speak of it before 607, but it had by then already existed at least a century and a half, as we have seen, it is mentioned in the inscription of Buddhagupta.”*
This understanding of Coedès
is reasonable, but our concern is how Chi-tu became the major player in the
Apparently, as early
as the fifth century Kedah area was important harbor for the western merchants
especially from the south
For Kedah, the role of
Kha-la-tan located in the east coast was very important, from where Indian
merchants could re-export their goods to
The evidence that Kha-la-tan
had located in Java has never been found, except in the description in the text
of the “History of the First Sung Dynasty”
that “Ho-la-tan governs or controls She-po Shu (訶羅単治闍婆州). The text did not mention that Kha-la-tan was located in the
In this case ‘Shu(州)’
is not a state nor country. The original meaning of’ shu’ is ‘lands in river streams’. She-po Shu（闍婆州) means islands and peninsula around
the Java Sea, not an integrated state. She-po
is another name of ‘Java’. Without doubt, in the fifth century, Kha-la-tan (or Ho-la-tan) was the strongest
country among She-po Shu and perhaps dominating
it with international trade. However Kha-la-tan was not necessarily a part of
② Kan-tuo-li（干陁利） is Kandari（干陀利）or Kadāra, which means Kedah in the Tamil pronunciation. Here I introduce two explanations.
R.C. Majumdar writes;
“I hold the view that it (Kan-tuo-li) represents ancient Kadāra, a state
G. Coedès writes as follows;
first mentioned in the History of the Liang in connection with events occurring
in the middle of the fifth century, is located by general agreement in
It presumably preceded Śrīvijaya
and may have had its center at Jambi. Between 454 and 464, a king of Kan-tou-li,
whose name in Chinese characters can be restored to Śrī Varanarendra, sent the
Hindu Rudra on an embassy to
O.W. Wolters also
insists that Kan-tuo-li flourished as the chief trading kingdom of
G. Coedès insists that Kan-tuo-li
is located ‘by general agreement’ in
③Tan-tan(丹丹) was somewhat ambiguous, but
might be considered Kelantan, which has been one of major ports in the east coast of Malay
Peninsula. The Liang’s officials might have taken ‘tan’ from Kha-la-tan for
their convenience. I presume Tan-tan was a successor of Kha-la-tan located at
Tan-tan and Pan-pan are intimate countries and both sent embassies to the Sui court in 616.
According to the Sui-shu, ‘Tan-tan and Pan-pan, from the southern regions, came to offer the produce of their countries as tribute. Their customs and products are generally speaking similar.
Chi-tu(赤土)was a typical state covering “B-route” from Kedah to the east coast
ports such as Songkhla and Pattani. Chi-tu means 'Red Earth'. In the Malay
language, it is called ‘Tanah Merah’. ‘Tana’ is ’earth’ and ‘Merah’ is ‘red’.
The Sui-shu (隋書)says as follows:
“The kingdom of Chi-tu, another kind of Funan, is situated in the South Seas. By sea one reaches it in more than a hundred days. The color of the soil of the capital is mostly red, whence is derived the name of the country. Eastwards is the kingdom of Bo-luo-la (波羅剌), Westwards is Po-luo-suo(婆羅娑), Southwards is Kha-la-tan(訶羅旦), Northwards it faces the ocean. The country is several thousand li in extent. The king’s family name is ‘Qu-tan’(瞿曇=Gautama), his personal name is Li-fu-duo-sai (利富多塞).
If Kha-la-tan were identified as Kelantan, Chi-tu might be its northern neighbor, such as Songkhla and/or Pattani.
In the first decade of
the seventh century, Chi-tu dominated middle of the
might have merged Lang-ya-su (狼牙須=Langkasuka) and
changed its name to Chi-tu when sending embassies to the Sui. Usually tributary
countries were prohibited to merge or invade other tributaries under the rule
Po-hang (婆皇) and Po-da (婆達)：Po-huang
might be Pahang as R.C. Majumdar suggests. Po-da（婆達or媻達）might be Pattani in the east
coast of the Malay Peninsula. The first Sung Dynasty honored Kha-la-tan(訶羅単), Po-huang(婆皇) and Po-da(婆達) for their efforts for tributary
missions and treated them equally. Perhaps these three countries came from the
similar area, namely the east coast of the
Three countries, Kha-la-tan, Po-huang and Po-da sent embassies, only in the First Sung times (420~479). In the next Liang (梁) times they all disappeared.
Kan-tuo-li, Tan-tan and Langkasuka were the
tributaries from the
Po-huang (Pahang) was famous for its gold-mine, but isolated or a little far from the trans-peninsula trade ‘route B’ from Kedah.
There was a state between A and B route historically. The name of the state was:
Lang-ya-su (狼牙須) is Langkasuka, even though we cannot find the location on the modern map. Before the Sui (隋) times, its location should be considered modern Nakhon Si Tammarat. In the Sui, the Chinese ambassador Chang-jun (常駿) observed a high mountain from the ship, which might be Mt. Khao Luang (1,855metres), located just behind Nakhon Si Tammarat. In the Chu-fan-chih (諸蕃志) written by Chao Ju-kua（趙汝适）in 1225 , the location of Langkasuka (凌牙斯加,or 狼加西) was identified as Pattani. However Pattani area is mostly plain, there are not high mountains at all.
According to the ‘Xin Tang-Shu (新唐書)’ Langkasuka was the neighbor state of Pan-pan, and probably in the vicinity of Nakhon Si Tammarat.
I suppose the name of Langkasuka came from ‘Lan Saka’. Lan Saka is about twenty kilometers behind Nakhon Si Tammarat, and surrounded by high mountains and traditionally a major bypass to the west coast ports, such as Krabi and Trang.
The commercial routes
between the ports of west coast of the
I discuss Langkasuka
issue later. The location of Lang-ya-su (Lamgkasuka=狼牙須) was not clear, it tributed
during 515～568. Perhaps before
515, it was under control of Funan. However the influence of Funan began to
decline in the early sixth century, so Langkasuka began tribute to
According to the Liang-shu (梁書), it had history of more than four hundred years at that time, that means Langkasuka was established at the beginning of the second century.
‘B-route’ and ‘C-route’ were integrated with ‘new Funan’ based at Pan-pan and
formed ‘Shih-li-fo-shi(室利仏逝）’, the first Śrīvijaya,
until 670. After 670, Shih-li-fo-shi became the only one state which sent
embassies from the
Shih-li-fo-shi (室利仏逝) was a successor of Funan(扶南) and Pan-pan（盤盤）.
Rise and Decline of Funan
Funan（扶南）and Champa（林邑）are well known as the oldest
tributary countries to China. It was probably the second century when Funan was
founded in the lower valley of the
The history of Funan is detailed in the Chinese chronicles , especially in the Liang-shu (梁書) and the Nan-Ji-Shu (南斉書).
In the middle of the third century, from the Wu Dynasty, two envoys Kang Tai (康泰) and Chu Ying (朱応), were sent to Funan. Kang Tai wrote that the first king of Funan was an Indian Brahman whose name was Khon-Tien (混填). Khon-Tien means ‘Kaundinya’, so historians call him ‘Kaundinya I’.
According to the legend, Khon-Tien came over to a certain sea shore of Cambodia on a large merchant ship, where he threatened with a ‘divine bow’ a local princess named Liu-ye (柳葉). She surrendered to Khon-Tien and they married. Then they established a new country, Funan.
Dr. Naojiro Sugimoto (杉本直治郎) estimates Funan was founded between the end of the first century and the beginning of the second century.
The Liang-Shu says, the great general
Fan-Shi-Man (范師曼) took over the seat
of king, Fan-Shi-Man expanded Funan’s territory by conquest with its navy.
Funan expanded its territory significantly by navy. He developed a kind of rowing
boat of which total length was eight to nine zhang (丈), around 21m length and width
six to seven che (尺), around 1.6m width. Fan-Shi-Man
ordered the construction of large ships and attacked more than ten countries
including Chu-to-kun (屈都昆), Chiu-chi（九稚）and Dian-sun（典孫）. The location of Chu-to-kun is
unknown, but Chiu-chi is supposed to be
The purpose of
Fan-Shi-Man’s invasion was to secure major ports to facilitate Funan’s trade
with foreign countries. Especially the ports of
Funan was basically a kind of merchant state. The local products of Funan were, according to the Liang-shu ‘Gold, silver, copper, tin, agarwood（沉香）, ivory ,blue peacock and five color parrot’. Funan had vast arable land, cultivating paddy and the northern part of Funan was a territory of Chen-la (真臘) a major subordinate state of Funan, but in the middle of the sixth century Chen-la militarily surpassed Funan.
flourished by international trade. Funan sent embassies to China many times and
each time contributed a big amount of precious items, such as aromatics, glass
ware, pearl, fine cotton, jewelry, ivory and so on, most of which were imported
from the west countries. For Funan, acquiring the imports from the west was vital,
because Chinese court preferred these western goods. Funan imported the western
goods mainly through the trans-peninsula route especially between
The Liang-Shu says “Chia Chen-ju（憍陳如=Kaundinya II）, one of the successors of King Chu
Chan-tan (竺栴檀) was originally an
Indian Brahman who received a ‘voice of God’ to go to Funan to become the king
there. Chia Chen-ju delighted in his heart. He arrived at Pan-pan from
G. Coedès says “Around 480 the History of the Southern Ch’i (南斉) speaks for the first time of these king She-yeh pa-mo (Jayavarman=闍耶跋摩) whose family name is Ciao Chen-ju （僑陳如）－that is, descendant of Kaundinya.”*
Funan suffered from political and military pressure of Chen-la gradually, even though Chen-la was a northern vassal state of Funan. However the decline of Funan was not apparent in the early sixth century. Funan sent embassies to China court in the sixth century, 502, 511, 512, 514, 519, 520, 530, 535, 539, 543, 559, 572, 588 and the Xin Tang-Shu recorded two times embassies from during 618~26 and 627~49.
I suppose Funan was
G. Coedès says;
“In the second half of the sixth century, Bhavavarman and his cousin Chitrasena attacked Funan and, judging by their inscriptions, pushed their conquest at least up to Kratié on the Mekong, to Buriram between the Mun River and the Dangrek Mountains, and to Mongkolborei west of the Great Lake.”
“The conquest of Funan by Chen-la
in the guise of a dynastic quarrel is really the first episode we witness in
After this incident, G. Coedès considered Funan directly moved to Java, and there, established the new dynasty of Śailendra. Other historian, for instance Dr. Rokuro Kuwata thought Funan disappeared from the earth at the end of the sixth century.
However there is no
evidence Funan had any political or commercial relations with Java. So the
hypothesis of G. Coedès is not solid. Kuwta’s theory seems right, but the
rulers of Funan could have easily escaped to Pan-pan, their subordinate state,
from where the Funan rulers could continue sending embassies to
P. Wheatley writes;
‘On the dissolution of the Funanese empire, its successor, Chen-la, possibly because of its continental origin, failed to consolidate its supremacy over the Malay Peninsula, whereupon the former dependencies in the region hastened to establish their autonomy by dispatching embassies to the Imperial Court of China.’*
(Pan-pan became the sanctuary of Funan)
Anyway Chen-la could
not pursue Funan rulers militarily across the
According to the Tong-Dian(通典), compiled by Du-You(杜祐) in 801, Pan-pan was a small state with no solid city walls and poorly equipped army.
“The ordinary people live mostly by the water-side, and in default of city walls erect palisades entirely of short wood.・・・・・The arrows are tipped with stone and the blades of lance with iron.”(百姓多緑水而居国無城皆豎木為柵・・・・・其矢以石為鏃、槊則以鉄為刃)
The ruler of Pan-pan might
think it was an international commercial port-city and was guarded by Funanese
navy around the
It is highly probable
that Chaiya and Langkasuka (Nakhon Si Tammarat) were temporarily occupied by
Chen-la around 745. The attack of Chen-la was not recorded in any chronicles, but
Chen-la increased tributes to
The cooperation between
Funan and Pan-pan concerning ‘
Funan was believed to send the last embassy to China in 572 to the Chin(陳) Dynasty by many historians. They believe soon after that Funan might be expelled by Chen-la and declined rapidly and the relation between Funan and Pan-pan perished at the same time.
However, probably Funan
changed its political and economic base to Pan-pan and continued tribute to
A Japanese prominent
historian, Dr. Rokuro Kuwata thought the description of the Xin Tang-Shu was dubious. However it was technically
possible to send embassies to
Some historians exaggerate the effect of the fall of Funan. For instance O.W. Wolters say;
“On the coast of mainland
As for, Langkasuka, it
was an independent state for long time, and it had its own traditional trade
route from India through the west coast of the Malay Peninsula, such as Krabi
and Trang. After the collapse of Funan at the second half of the sixth
century (not that of the fifth century), Langkasuka got a free-hand, so it
started tributes to
After the collapse of
Funan, Chen-la frequently sent embassies to
However Chen-la could
not enjoy the fruits of the tributary trades with
On the other hand, Pan-pan
also continued tributary missions after the last embassy of Funan (572 A.D.), in
584, 616, 633, 635, 641, 648 and 650~655. Pan-pan seemed not affected by the
collapse of Funan at all. However, after the last tribute in 650~655 Pan-pan
also disappeared from the chronicles of the Tang Dynasty. The reason why Pan-pan
suddenly terminated its tribute to
Around at the early
stage of the Tang Dynasty, Pan-pan under control of Funan kingship probably
absorbed the Chi-tu and became very big country covering major part of the
After establishing the
hegemony in the
The development of Śrīvijaya (Shih-li-fo-shi)
Śrīvijaya (Shih-li-fo-shi）started sending embassies sometime
between 670 and 673, not in 695 as G. Coedès considered. I-Ching left
According to the Tong-dian compiled by Du-You in 801; “There are ten monasteries where Buddhist monks and nuns study their canon. They eat all types of meat but refrain from wine. There is also one monastery of daoshis (道士＝religiously advanced devotees) who partake neither of meat nor wine. They study the classic of the Asura king, but they enjoy no great respect. The ordinary Buddhist priests are commonly called pi-chiu (bhiku＝比丘), the others ‘tan’ (貪=greedy)”. *
Du-You says that in Pan-pan (Chaiya), in the Tang times,
there are ten Buddhist temples (normally with dormitories) for ordinary monks
and nuns and one special temple for higher devotees. Perhaps in the seventh or
eighth century, in Chaiya, there were so many Buddhist temples. In other
Chinese chronicles, we cannot find any state which had more Buddhist temples
than Pan-pan (Chaiya). In the west coast of the
In the east coast,
Nakhon Si Tammarat was a large port-city, but there are not so many archaeological
remains belonging to the Tang’s era. In
Probably I-Ching had
visited Chaiya on a Persian merchant ship which usually stopped over the
commercially frequent port-city. Before leaving
The king of Śrīvijaya might be one of the descendants of Funan kings as G. Coedès suggested. The reason why Śrīvijaya (Shih-li-fo-shi) substituted Pan-pan is not clear in any chronicles, but at least any conflict between Pan-pan and Funan was not recorded.
They might have
founded the new state named Śrīvijaya
(Shih-li-fo-shi) ‘peacefully’ and the Tang
Dynasty accepted the new order in the
Chi-tu sent three consecutive embassies to the Sui Dynasty and the emperor sent the special envoy to Chi-tu, but the Chinese chronicles kept silence about the fate of Chi-tu.
As we know Śrīvijaya
continued expansion of its territory to the southwards along the Strait of
Malacca, then the southeast of Sumatra including
Śrīvijaya sent embassies in 670, 701, 716, 722, 724, 741, and after 742 the name of Śrīvijaya also mysteriously disappeared from the Chinese chronicles without any explanation. But the court of the Tang did not recognize the disappearance of Shih-li-fo-shi.
Originally Ho-ling (訶陵) might be pronounced as
‘Kha-ling’ even though the modern Chinese pronunciation is ‘Ho-ling’. The name
of 'Kha-ling' had, without doubt, strong relation with Khalinga, an ancient
dynasty in the east coast of
Kha-ling sent embassies in 640, 647, 648 and 666. Since then, the name of Kha-ling was not seen in the record book of the Tang for nearly one hundred years. It appeared again in 768, after the name of Śrīvijaya disappeared since 742 and Śailendra established hegemony among Śrīvijaya group since around 768.
Inscriptions of Śrīvijaya in the
Śrīvijaya left several
G. Coedès says;
“A group of inscription in Old Malays, four of which were found in Sumatra (three near Palembang, another at Karang Brahi on the upper course of the Batang Hari) and a fifth at Kota Kapur on the island of Bangka, show the existence in 683~686 in Palembang of a Buddhist kingdom that had just conquered the hinterland of Jambi and the island of Bangka and was preparing to launch a military expedition against Java. This kingdom bore the name Śrīvijaya, which correspond exactly to I-Ching’s (Shih li-) fo-shih. (p82)
“The oldest of the three inscriptions from Palembang, the one that is engraved on a large stone at Kedukan Bukit, at the foot of the hill of Seguntung, tells us that on April 23, 682, a king began an expedition (siddhayātrā) by boat, that on May 19 he left an estuary with an army moving simultaneously land and sea, and that, a month later, he brought victory, power, and wealth to Śrīvijaya.”*
The Kedukan Bukit inscription
first is the Kedukan Bukit inscription. In which, the name of king
only as “dapunta hiyam”. It is not so clear that the name means the title of the
supreme commander or the king of Śrīvijaya.
The contents of this inscription are simple. The army of Śrīvijaya attacked this place and made victory. It took nearly one
month for the army to arrive the battle field, and another month to confirm
final victory. They came over the place with 200 boats and the number of foot
soldiers was 1,312. This inscription is the memoir of their victory.
Apparently the army came from outside of
are some questions to be clarified in this inscription. The first is from where
this army came from? The answer has not been clearly given, but it is almost
certain that they came from the
The second question is number of army. The Kedukan Bukit inscription states that number was ‘dualaksa’ which means ’20,000’. However 20,000 was too many, even the fleet of Zheng He (鄭和）, total number of crew was 28,000 in the early fifteenth century. In the contemporary Indonesian dictionary, ‘laksa’ means ’10,000’. But in the late seventh century, Śrīvijaya could not mobilize such a big number of soldiers, so the recent interpretation is ‘dualaksa’ was ‘2,000’ which sounds more realistic.
The Talang Towo inscription
There is the second inscription named “Talang Towo” which is dated on March, 684, nearly two years later than Kedukan Bukit inscription. Talang Towo is at five kilometers northwest of Seguntung where Śrīvijaya founded a public park planting fruit trees. The Talang Towo inscription is to commemorate the opening and to honor king Jayanāśa of Śrīvijaya as the founder of the park. Notably, on the stone, the king expressed the wish to receive the ‘merit’ by his deed and to bring the happiness to the local people, using several Mahayana Buddhism words. Apparently king Jayanāśa’s intension was to propagate the belief of Mahayana Buddhism to the residents and at the same time justification of the Śrīvijaya’s sovereignty in this area.
The Talaga Batu inscription
third inscription found at
Śrīvijaya left these three
inscriptions threatening local people? The key to solve this question is the
next inscription which located at Kota Kapur, in the
G. Coedès does not touch Telaga Batu inscription, but continues further:
for the three other inscriptions, one of which is dated February 28, 686, we
wonder if the conquests that they imply do not represent the continuation of
the expansionist policy commemorated by the stone of Kedukan Bukit. These three
texts, in part identical, deliver threats and maledictions against any
inhabitants of the upper Batang Hari (the
The ‘unsubdued land of Java’ means ‘Kha-ling (訶陵)’ a rival of Śrīvijaya, not the ancient Tārumā kingdom as G. Coedès insists below.
Two stones of Jambi (Batang Hari) and
G. Coedès insists as following:
“The land referred to may had been the
ancient kingdom Tārumā
on the other side of the Sunda Strait, which we do not hear spoken of again
after its embassy to China in 666-669. Tārumā may have become the nucleus of the
expansion of Sumatran influence on the
However we cannot find out the name of Tārumā (多羅磨) as a tributary country in the chronicles
of China, instead the name of Kha-ling (or Ho-ling, 訶陵) is recorded on the Ce-fu Yuan-Gui (冊府元亀), which sent an embassy in 666 and perhaps
670 under the name of Kha-la (訶羅), thereafter
the name of Kha-ling disappeared for long time. After nearly one hundred year’s
silence, the new Kha-ling (Śailendra) appeared and sent embassy to the Tang
Dynasty in 768. As a matter of course, the new Kha-ling was Śailendra which represented Śrīvijaya group. From any other
In 686, from the
of a sudden the name of Śrīvijaya
appeared on the inscription of Ligor dated 775. This tells us that Śrīvijaya succeeded
to invade into Java and established the Śailendra
kingdom. Actually, Śailendra became
one of the vassal states of Śrīvijaya. However G. Coedès says that Śrīvijaya
sent army to Taruma (not Ho-ling) in the west Java, and later some of his
followers devised ‘Tarumanegara’ in the west Java, which sent embassies to the
Tang in 528, 666 and 669. However, unfortunately I cannot find the name of
Tarumanegara in the Chinese chronicles who sent envoys to
Furthermore, in 1963, at Sojomerto near Pekalongan, an old stone inscription was found, of which date is unclear, but supposed to be enclaved at the seventh century. It is known as ‘Sojomerto Inscription’, on which the name of ‘Dapunta Selendra’ was found. The meaning of the inscription seems very important, because the expedition of Śrīvijaya’s navy might have arrived at Pekalongan, the major port of the central Java. The name of commander was ‘Dapunta Selendra’, who became the king of Śailendra.
According to the Ce-fu Yuan-Gui (冊府元亀) , Kha-ling (Ho-ling) sent embassies to the Tang in 640, 642, 647, 648 and 666 and its neighbor in the west Java, Da-Po-To (堕婆登) sent an envoy in 647. The location of Da-Po-To is not clear, but the Jiu Tang-Shu says that Da-Po-To is located at the south of Lin-yi (林邑,Champa), two months journey by sea. Its eastern neighbor is Kha-ling and the western neighbor is Mei-Lei-Sha (迷黎車，unknown）and the north side is large sea. Hence, there is possibility the location of Da-Po-To was a kingdom in the west Java. In 647, the king of Da-Pa-To sent an envoy to the Tang court and presented Indian cotton clothes, ivories and sandal-wood.
In the west Java,
there are three inscriptions with foot-prints related with king Pūrņavarman,
whose capital was the city of
Anyway, the target of Śrīvijaya’s expedition was undoubtedly Kha-ling in the central Java, which had sent embassies a few times and apparently been the rival of Śrīvijaya (Shih-li-fo-shi).
to the Xin Tang-Shu (新唐書）, Śrīvijaya (Shih-li-fo-shi),
had fourteen vassal city-states, and divided them into two administration
districts to control the whole empire (有城十四、以二国分総). In the early stage
of the Tang times, the
the army of Śrīvijaya arrived at the central Java, the
(Shih-li-fo-shi) could not report the fact of conquest to the Tang court. Under
the Chinese tributary system, the relation between the emperor of
In the Tang court, Śrīvijaya (Shih-li-fo-shi) was
not eliminated from their record books, even though Shih-li-fo-shi stopped
sending envoy after 741. So, in the head of the Tang officials, in the
Chen-la occupied Chaiya around 745, but later defeated.
The new ‘Kha-ling (Ho-ling)’ namely Śailendra resumed sending embassies in 768 after Shih-li-fo-shi sent the last embays in 741. During these 27 years, what happened to Shih-li-fo-shi?
Chen-la attacked Chaiya after 742, so the royal family of Shih-li-fo-shi might
have fled to the southern districts, presumably to Kedah,
But Śrīvijaya group recovered Chaiya and Ligor (Nakhon Si Tammarat) from Chen-la around 765. The main army of Śrīvijaya’s force was without doubt Śailendra’s navy from Java. There is, so-called the ‘Ligor inscription’, which has two sides A and B. A is dated 775 and B has not clear date, which may be much later.
The Vietnamese annals
say in 767 Champs was invaded by the army from Java (Śailendra) and K’un-lun
(in this case, meaning southern people) but they were expelled. By this time,
Khmer in Chaiya and Nakhon Si Tammarat might be attacked by Śailendra. In 768, the
new Kha-ling (Śailendra) resumed sending embassy to
G. Coedès says;
“The text of the inscription states that King Vishnu ‘bore the title of mahārāja to indicate that he was a descendant of the family of the Śailendras.’ This king was undoubtedly the king of the inscription Kelurak－that is, Sangrāmadhananjaya.”
“Although the Śailendras were, as we see, the kings of Śrīvijaya in the eleventh century and undoubtedly also in the tenth, we have no proof that such was the case in the eighth.”*
It is dubious as G. Coedès says that the Śailendras were, as we see, the kings of Śrīvijaya in the eleventh century and undoubtedly also in the tenth. In the times of San-fo-chi during, 904~1178 as recorded in the Chinese chronicles, the role of the Śailendra family was not impressive at all.
Bālaputra was expelled from Java at the middle of the ninth century. The most brilliant time for the Śailendras was apparently at the last quarter of the eighth century. Certainly Bālaputra was a prince of the Śailendra family, but if he was the king of Śrīvijaya was not sure. The final destination of prince Bālaputra was not clear, but he could not be the champion of Śrīvijaya group. At the middle of the ninth century, Jambi was stronger than Śailendra and sent its own envoy to the Tang court in 852 and 871. When Śrīvijaya group formed ‘San-fo-chi ’, the leader of San-fo-chi is unknown. Anyway the political power of Bālaputra declined among the Śrīvijaya group after expelled from Java, even though in the ‘Nalanda copper-plate’ inscription of Devapāla*, Bālaputradeva is described as the king of Suvarnadvipa. However it was a matter of before 850.
I suppose that Śailendra could not have established the full
hegemony in Java, and the Sanjaya-line was still dominant in the eighth century
in the central Java. But the Kalasan inscription dated 778 and the Kelurak
inscription dated 782 seem to be sufficient evidences for the helm of Śailendra in
the central Java in the latter half of the eighth century. Anyway, Śailendra
had enough power in Java to dispatch strong navy to defeat Chen-la at Chaiya
area and further to send expeditions to Champa several times. After the success
of a series of navy operations, Śailendra (Śrīvijaya) established the monopoly of
the tributary trade to
G. Coedès seems that he did not consider the
effect of Śrīvijaya’s expedition to Java in 686 from the
Tārumā certainly left some inscriptions dated presumably around 450. Pūrnavarman was the king of Tārumā, but after him, we heard nothing. I wonder why Śrīvijaya selected Tārumā as the target of expedition, which seemed to have no evidence as a big trading country.
G. Coedès adds;
“On the basis of the documents available, Java does not appear to be the native country of the Śailendras of Indonesia, who, as has been, claimed rightly or wrongly to be related to “the kings of the mountain” of Funan.*
hypothesis is the most important point to the history of Śrīvijaya. However G.
to ignore or neglect the Funan’s relation with Pan-pan and
its development as the base of Śrīvijaya (Shih-li-fo-shi). Historically, there were
very close relations between Funan and Pan-pan for long time. Actually Kaundinya
II who became the king of Funan, came from
G. Coedès says;
“Śrīvijaya’s expansion northwest toward the Strait of Malacca and southeast toward the Sunda Strait is very clear indication of its design on the two great passages between the Indian Ocean and the China sea, the possession of which was to assure Śrīvijaya of commercial hegemony in Indonesia for several centuries.”*
Coedès made misunderstanding of the international trade in the Tang and Sung
G. Coedès considers Śrīvijaya
attacked Kedah from the
R.C. Majumdar who discovered the difference of A and B side of the Ligor inscription says;
“The inscription A begins with eulogy of Śrī-Vijayendrarāja, and then refers to the building of three brick temples for Buddhist gods by Śrī-Vijayeśvarabhūpati. The inscription B, engraved on the back of the stele, consists of only one verse and a few letters of the second. It contains the eulogy of an emperor having the name of Vishnu. The last line is not quite clear. It seems to refer a lord of the Śailendra Dynasty named Śrī-Mahārāja,…” *
Inscriptions of Śailendra in Java
① The Kalasan Inscription dated 778 A.D.
This inscription dated
in 778 was discovered at the
This sentence is quite confusing, because it suggests existence of
two kings in the kingdom of Śailendra. The
senior king’s Guru asked to the junior Mahārāja Paňcapana
Paņamakaran to help the construction of a
I suppose as follows: At first Paņamakaran was a lower king of the Śailendra family and Paņamakaran was assigned to the commander of Śailendra’s navy. Paņamakaran defeated Chen-la at Chaiya and Nakhon Si Tammarat and he was recommended to take the title of Mahārāja of Śrīvijaya. So, within the Śailendra family, the position of Paņamakarana was elevated to the top position and he was called Mahārāja Paňcapana Paņamakarana in the central Java.
In the Ligor Inscription, Paņamakarana was called ‘the brave enemy killer (viravarimathana)’.
② The Kelurak Inscription Dated 782 A.D.
This inscription was
originally situated at Kelurak, to the north of Lolo Jongrang temple at
After praising Buddhist deities, ‘This earth is being protected by the king named Indra, who is an ornament of the Śailendra dynasty and the killer of enemy’s well known hero.’*
Paņamakarana was also praised as a great warrior and commander representing the Śailendra dynasty.
It was not clear why the name of Śailendra did not appear before 778 (the date of the Kalasan Inscription), in front of Java people. But, suddenly, the king named Indra appeared with the title of Mahārāja Panagkaran, who defeated the Chen-la army.
influence of Mahayana Buddhism emerged strongly in the central Java and the script
The Sojomerto Inscription
In addition to the above
two inscriptions, one more inscription related with Selendra was found in 1963, in the province of Pekalongan, written
in Old Malay language known as the Sojomerto Inscription. Its date is not
clear, but is estimated of the seventh century. In this inscription, the name
of the ‘Dapunta Selendra’ was found.
Selendra is Malay expression of Śailendra
in Sanskrit. Dapunta means almost ‘God King’. In the Kedukan Bukit inscription
Dapunta Selendra might be one of kings of the Śrīvijaya Empire, and later become a founder of the Selendra (Śailendra) kingdom. The descendants of Dapunta Selendra survived in the central Java and a few generations later, the name of the Śailendra dynasty came up in the main stream of history. The history of Śrīvijaya in Java started since 686 or 687 when ‘dapunta Selendra’ landed near Pekalongan and conquered the Sanjaya kingdom, who established the Śailendra kingdom. Śailendra coexisted with the Sanjaya kingdom.
The retaliation against Chen-la from Śrīvijaya group was conducted mainly by Śailendra which had large population and could organize big and strong navy. The history of war was not recorded in any chronicle, but the tributary records of Śrīvijaya group tell what happened in this area.
This understanding clarifies the meaning of the Ligor inscription 775 and the development of the kingdom of Śailendra.
The new Kha-ling sent embassies to China in 769, 770, 793, 813, 815, 818 and during 827~35 and 860~73 A.D. In addition to this new ‘Kha-ling’ (actually Śailendra) a country named ‘Java (She-po =闍婆)’ sent embassies to China in 820, 831 and 839. This Java (She-po) was different from Śailendra and it was perhaps the Sanjaya kingship mainly based in the eastern Java and later regained the helm of the central Java.
After establishing the
Śailendra kingdom in 686, the kingdom of Śailendra could not send its own
We cannot forget that
new Kha-ling sent embassies to the Tang court, representing whole Śrīvijaya
group, and dispatched its ships to
The name of the first Mahārāja of Śrīvijaya group was Rakai Paņamkaran (Panagkaran) of Śailendra. Before the erection of Ligor inscription, the Śailendra dynasty began sending embassy to the Tang court, since 768 under the name of Kha-ling (Ho-ling、訶陵)．Thus the last subordinate state of Shih-li-fo-shi (Śrīvijaya) became the champion of the group.
G. Coedès writes
“In any case, the appearance in the southern islands of Śailendras, with their imperial title of mahārāja, was, we can safely say, “an international event of importance.”*
However G. Coedès did not elaborate on the meaning of “an international event of importance.”
Coedès and his followers could not connect the Kota Kapur inscription of the
There are so many arguments
about the relations of Śailendra and Sanjaya. The father of Rakai Paņamkaran
with the title of Śrī Mahārāja who became the king of Śailendra,
is unknown. Anyway Paņamkaran came from the Śailendra family and he expelled
Chen-la from Chaiya. In some inscriptions, Paņamkaran’s epithet is ‘a killer of
proud enemies’ or ‘the jewel of Śailendra family’. From this, he might be a
strong army commander. His son and successor is Samaratunga, who might be
Samaragravira. Samaratunga had married Tārā,
the daughter of Dharmasetu, leading king of the Śrīvijaya Empire, and got a son named
(deva). Samaratunga had the first wife, with whom he got a
daughter, princess Prāmodāwarddhanī.
married to Rakai Pikatan. And prince Bālaputra (deva) was defeated by Pikatan and exiled to
Suvernadvipa (Sumatra and the
Even though Paņamkaran and Samaratunga belonged to Śailendra family, they became the kings of the ‘Mataram dynasty’. Sanjaya family had inherited ‘Mataram dynasty’ for long time. As above mentioned, Śailendra family was a new comer in the central Java, and they could not (or did not) expel Sanjaya by force. In a sense, both families coexisted ‘peacefully’ for long time. Śailendra family believed in Mahayana Buddhism and Sanjaya family Hinduism (Sivaism). However, in the middle of the seventh century, Paņamkaran from Śailendra family probably took over the seat of the Mataram king. The kingship of the Mataram was succeeded to his son, Samaratunga (Samaragravira).
However after the death of Samaratunga, the situation changed unfavorably for the Śailendra family. Finally prince Bālaputra left Java and became the Mahārāja of Suvernadvipa.
There may be some
argument that Bālaputra had the political power in Suvernadvipa.
His grand father and father had left some heritage to him, so Bālaputra
was probably respected by many of the Śrīvijayan kings. However Śailendra
kingdom substantially disappeared in the central Java after Samaratunga died,
even though Prāmodāwarddhanī, sister of Bālaputra,
retained some political influence as the queen of Rakai Pikatan. Anyway prince
Bālaputra must establish his own helm in Sumatra and
The problems of the
Dr. J. Takakusu ‘misguided’ I-Ching
The first book of the ‘
this book, Dr. J. Takakusu attached a sheet of map to his book, which showed
the voyage route of I-Ching from
Most of the historians have believed easily what Dr. Takakusu wrote correctly, because he was respected as a prominent expert of Buddhism.
But I-Ching wrote simply that he landed at Shih-li-fo-shi and there he studied the Sanskrit language for six months but never mentioned its exact location. Next he went to Malayu (末羅瑜), by a king’s ship, where was the sea-area near Jambi in Sumatra.
was no evidence at all that I-Ching went to
According to ‘the Memoir on the Eminent Monks
who sought the Law in the West during the Great Tang Dynasty (大唐西域求法高僧伝)’ by I-Ching, he sailed from
Canton on the north-east monsoon in 671 boarding a Persian merchant ship. He
arrived at Shih-li-fo-shi (室利仏逝、Śrīvijaya) within
twenty day’s journey. After six months learning the Sanskrit grammar, the king
kindly sent him to the country of Malayu (末羅瑜国), where he stayed for
two months. Then he changed direction to go up to Kedah.’ Here, I-Ching
used important words, ‘change direction (転向). If he came from
At that time in 672, Malayu
was a friendly country for Shih-li-fo-shi, more than ten years later Malayu
became a subordinate state of Shih-li-fo-shi. When I-Ching stopped over Kedah in
672, Kedah was probably a part of the kingdom of Śrīvijaya and a major port of
the west coast of the
Kedah was the most
frequent port for the south Indian and other western traders, because it was a
terminal and entrepôt of the trading goods. The ships from the southern
misunderstood Ka-cha (羯茶) was Achin (Aceh),
the biggest port of the north
provided favorable accommodation to the western merchant ships with water and
rice and safe harbors along the Merbok and
The first Persian
After Śailendra (new Kha-ling) established
hegemony and started envoy in 768, Arab and
I-Ching wrote ‘the Memoir on the Eminent Monks who sought
the Law in the West during the Great Tang Dynasty.’ The Memoir consisted of around sixty
Buddhist monks who undertook pilgrimages to
Our problem is if
the students may be discouraged to study more if ‘
By-products of the
I-Ching recorded at Shih-li-fo-shi
there were 1,000 monks, but no significant remains of big temples and accommodations
were found in
Quaritch Wales writes in his ‘Towards
“In a recent criticism of my views G. Coedès, while admitting that a kind of sub-capital probably existed in the northern part of the Malay Peninsula, still supports his original contention that Palembang was the seat of the Mahārāja and capital of Śailendra Empire, dismissing Chaiya mainly on the ground that its position at the bottom of a cul-de-sac (dead end) and its distance from the Strait make it geographically impossible for it to have controlled this important waterway. His objection would indeed offer a very difficulty if we had to suppose that Chaiya was obliged to control the Strait directly, especially in the North-east monsoon period. But Arab texts and South Indian inscriptions repeatedly refer to Kedah in such a way that we must conclude that it was the chief port of the Empire, and there was always easy overland communications between Kedah and Chaiya-Nakhon Śri Tammarat region. Moreover, Kedah Situated at the western entrance to the Strait, and in opposition to patrol them throughout their length, certainly seems better placed to exercise this control than Palembang, which lies fifty miles up a river, the mouth of which is 250 miles distance from Singapore.”*
According to the ‘New History of the Tang’ or the ‘Xin Tang-Shu’（新唐書）,Śrīvijaya had fourteen cities
and divided them into two administration districts to control the whole empire.
(有城十四、以二国分総). The territory of Śrīvijaya was
very long from the east to the west 2,000 li (about 800kilometers) and from the
south to the north 4,000 li (1,600kilometers). This geographical shape suggests
Śrīvijaya was located in the
The basic concept of G. Coedès on Śrīvijaya-1
G. Coedès says “Owing to an increase in the number of ships
desire to command the strait must have accounted for its expansion
north-westwards to the Malay Peninsula and south-eastwards towards the western part
of Java, which enable it to maintain a commercial hegemony over
The explanation of G. Coedès is very confusing moreover contains several basic mistakes.
The location of Java was very
inconvenient to do business with the southern
The Indian, Persian and other ships did
not use the
The merchant ships
from the West crossed the Bay of Bengal to the Malay Peninsula ports such as
Kedah and Takua Pa with the south-west monsoon, but from the Malay ports they
could not directly proceed to the south end of the Strait
due to the unfavorable wind of the season (mostly summer). So they had to wait
for the north-east monsoon for several months at these harbors．But they had found the solution
to save time and cost. They used trans-peninsular route to the east coast such
as Chaiya, Nakhon Si Tammarart, Songkhla, Pattani, and Kelantan. The shortest
route was from
Persian merchants also
use this trans-peninsular route without doubt, but the normally shipped to
The importance of Malayu
and Jambi area as the entrepôt increased after the 10th century. At the Sung times,
Chinese merchants were allowed to go abroad by the government’s ‘free trade
policy’ at the same time the merchandise from
The basic concept of G. Coedès on Śrīvijaya-2
G. Coedès writes the importance of the land routes as follows, but does not recognize real meaning of it;
“It was the growth of piracy in
the straits, and later the tyrannical commercial policy of the
Those seamen who, proceeding from southern India to the countries of gold, did not coast along the shores of Bengal but risked crossing the high seas were able to make use of either the 10-degree channel between Andaman and Nicobar or, farther south, the channel between and the headland of Achin.
first case they would land on the peninsula near
passes without difficulty from Kedah to Singora (Songkhla); from Trang to
Phatthalung, to the ancient Ligor, or to Bandon; from Kra to Chumpong; and
The importance and antiquity of these routes have been revealed by archeological research.”*
G. Coedès noticed the importance of the
trans-peninsula commercial routes, but he failed to connect them with the
formation of Śrīvijaya. Śrīvijaya
used the land-route from
questions for the
① Did I-Ching go
is generally said a journey from Jambi to
② Were there more than 1,000 Buddhist monks in Palembang in 671?
I-Ching wrote that in
Śrīvijaya, there was a center for Buddhism in
The size of Śrīvijaya
as the Buddhist training center was similar to that of
In the seventh
century, there were two large cities in the east coast of the
Dr. Quaritch Wales compared both cities and his conclusion was that Chaiya must be Śrīvijaya. Because remains are much richer in Chaiya than in Nakhon Si Tammarat, and latter was comparatively newer than Chaiya as an international port and from many other respects. ‘Chaiya’ means ‘Vijaya’ or victory, success or glory.
I-Ching recommends Chinese monks to stay Śrīvijaya for one or two years to
study the basic knowledge of Buddhism before go to
The Location of Shih-li-fo-shi (Śrīvijaya)
As above mentioned, in the Tang times, there
were no other states which had more Buddhist facilities in
Xin Tang-Shu provides some more
evidences that Shih-li-fo-shi (Śrīvijaya) was located
1. The Xin Tang-Shu says in the article of Shih-li-fo-shi (Śrīvijaya):
location of Shih-li-fo-shi
(Śrīvijaya) is 2,000 li (about 800 kilometers) from the
Here I must discuss three points.
first is the distance from the
second point is the shape of the country, which is apparently long-shape
suggesting the Malay Peninsula and not
③ The third point is the latitude. The length of
the shadow of strait standing eight chi
bar at the summer solstice at noon, is two and half chi, which means approximately the north latitude 6 degrees and 7
minutes. This is the latitude of Kelantan at the east coast and Alor Setar of Kedah
at the west coast of the
2. The Xin Tang-Shu says in the article of Kha-ling (Ho-ling)
The Xin Tang-Shu
says that Kha-ling is called as She-Po (社婆) or Du-Po (闍婆) and is located in the South Sea (南海). The east of Shih-li-fo-shi (Śrīvijaya)
is Po-Li (婆利), the west is
Duo-Po-To(堕婆登), the south is facing ocean and the north is Chen-la……….
The length of the shadow at the summer solstice is two chi and four chun (1 chi=10
chuns), which means approximately the north latitude 6 degrees and 45
minutes. According to the description of the Xin Tang-Shu, the location of Kha-ling should be a little northward
for instance, Songkhla or Sathing Phra. Basically, the location of Kha-ling
(Ho-ling) was considered in the central Java. Many historians think that the
reliability of the Xin Tang-Shu is dubious,
due to these descriptions. In the Jiu Tang-Shu(旧唐書), there is no
description of the shadows. However the writers of the Xin Tang-Shu might be serious, after
they found the new evidence or record, they wrote the shadow issue. At first,
Kha-ling was a country based in the central Java, however at the latter half of
the eighth century the Śailendra dynasty held the helm of the
Later Śailendra represented the whole Śrīvijaya
group countries, and it sent the first envoy to the Tang court in 768. Śailendra might have sent its ship
I suppose that occasionally a Chinese
navigator measured the length of the shadow on the summer
solstice day at the port of the east coast of the
I-Ching wrote in his Nan-Hai Chi-Kuei Nei Fa Chuan（南海寄帰内法伝）, how to know ‘noon’ to take lunch: ”For instance in Shih-li-fo-shi (Śrīvijaya), we see the shadow of a sundial neither becomes long nor short in the eighth lunar month (generally September). At midday no shadow falls from a standing person. The case is the same in the middle of spring. The sun passes above the head two times in a year”.
The quoted sentence is an explanation how to use a sundial to know noon (midday), but I-Ching says it is difficult in Shih-li-fo-shi (Śrīvijaya) to know the time in the eighth lunar month (almost September), because the sun is just above the head. And I-Ching suggests the location of Shih-li-fo-shi is south of the ‘Tropic of Cancer’ and north of the Equator.
As the conclusion, Shih-li-fo-shi (Śrīvijaya)
is located in the Northern Hemisphere or the
Jia-Dan’s（賈耽) sea route and the location of Luo-Yue(羅越)
The Xin Tang-Shu has the geographical articles in which Jia-Dan’s ‘sea route map’ is quoted.
five days journey from ‘the Con Dao Island’, one reaches a strait which the
barbarians call ‘Zhi(質)’, and
which is 100 li from south to north. On its northern shore is the
this case, Chi(質)
is interpreted ‘selat’( strait in Malay language), and generally supposed to be
the Singapore Strait. However the
If Chi is identified as
the Singapore Strait, the location of Luo-Yue (羅越) must
at the southern end of the Malay Peninsula. And the location of ‘Shih-li-fo-shi’
According to the Xin Tang-Shu,
“The northward from Luo-Yue is 5,000 li sea water, and the south-west is
Ko-ku-lo (哥谷羅). Traders from
various directions gather around there. The customs of the resident are the
same as those of Dvaravati. Every year, the merchant-ships come to
P. Wheatley comments:
‘Jia-Dan’s itinerary, with its uncertainties and ambiguities, is not susceptible of plotting but the general impression is that the sea-route to the West followed substantially the direction taken by the Buddhist pilgrims of the seventh century.’ *
At the end of the Tang Dynasty, the writers of the Chinese annals did not notice that shih-li-fo-shi（室利仏逝）and San-fo-chi (三仏斉) were different. Originally, both Shih-li-fo-shi and San-fo-chi were Śrīvijaya, but in the Tang times before 904, it was called as Shih-li-fo-shi and in the Sung times as San-fo-chi (三仏斉).
However, some historians discuss that Arabian merchants used to call the big trading country in the Malay Peninsula as Sribuza, Saboza or Zabag, so the name of San-fo-chi (三仏斉) was recorded in the Chinese annals. But the name of Sribuza likely represented Shih-li-fo-shi.
famous Japanese Historian, Dr. Toyohachi Fujita believed simply that Shih-li-fo-shi
(室利仏逝) and San-fo-chi (三仏斉) were the same Śrīvijaya. I
agree with Dr. Fujita, but I suppose that the name of San-fo-chi came from ‘three
Śrīvijaya’ states, namely Kedah, Jambi and perhaps
Formation of San-fo-chi
San-fo-chi was the successor of Shih-li-fo-shi and Śailendra, which emerged following disappearance of Śailendra from Java. While Śailendra was strong in Java, other Śrīvijaya countries admitted the authority of Śailendra and kept quiet.
of a sudden, Jambi (占卑) sent embassies to China in 852 and
871. Before that time, from Java She-po (闍婆＝Java) started
to send envoys to the Tang dynasty in 820, 831 and 839. At the same time, ‘new Kha-ling
(Śailendra) continued sending embassies to
assumed crown prince of Samaratuńga,
the Mahārāja of Śailendra, was expelled from Java is unknown.
But his rival and a brother-in-law Rakai Pikatan became the king of the Sanjaya
Dynasty (old Mataram) around 840. At the same time, Bālaputra
might have left Java. Perhaps Bālaputra became the Mahārāja of Śrīvijaya,
covering Sumatra and the
Suvernadvipa- Nālandā inscription
In the Nālandā copper-plate inscription of Devapāla, Bālaputradeva is described as the king of Suvarnadvipa. Suvarnadvipa means ‘golden-island’ and/or ‘golden peninsula’. On the other hand ‘Suvarnabhumi’ means ‘golden-land’.
R.C. Majumdar says;
“The Nālandā copper-plate Inscription dated in the 39th of king Devapāla (A.D.848?). This inscription records the grant of five villages by Devapāla at the request of illustrious Bālaputradeva, king of Suvarņadvīpa.” “There was a king of Yavabūmi whose name signified ‘tormentor of brave foes’ and who was an ornament of the Śailendra Śailendra dynasty. He had a valiant son Samarāgravīra. His wife Tārā, daughter of king Śrī-Varmasetu of the lunar rac, resembled the goddess Tārā. By his wife he had a son Śrī- Bālaputradeva, who built a monastery at Nālandā.”*
Bālaputradeva donated a monastery at Nālandā, while he was in power. That was around in 850.
The definition of ‘Dvipa’ means ‘land having
water on both sides’, so Suvarnadvipa means ‘golden
So, Bālaputra was the king of both
Some of the navy of Śailendra
probably followed Bālaputra, because She-po suddenly stopped sending
After collapse of the authority of Śailendra, Jambi kingdom, a prominent member of Śrīvijaya, got freehand, because the controlling power of Śailendra waned and sent its own tributary mission to the Tang court in 852. However Jambi (占卑) stopped sending the envoy to China after 871.
Śrīvijaya countries might have discussed the demerit of division of power,
after Śailendra’s defeat in Java, After all, the new regime of Śrīvijaya
countries might have started as San-fo-chi, which literally means ‘Three
Vijayas’. The main purpose to form San-fo-chi was to monopolize the tributary trade
the last stage of the Tang Dynasty in 904, San-fo-chi sent an embassy to
last envoy of Shih-li-fo-shi was in 741 and the first envoy of San-fo-chi was
in 904. There was a long interval of 163 years which had been covered by Śailendra
as ‘new Kha-ling’. As above mentioned nominally Śailendra never sent an embassy
R.C. Majumdar says;
“In any case the Śailendras must have lost their authority in Java by 879 A.D, as we find that central Java was then ruled by a king of Java belonging to a different dynasty. The middle of the ninth century A.D. may thus be regarded as approximate limit of the Śailendra supremacy in Java. ”*
However for the newly born San-fo-chi,
the hegemony of She-po in Java had nothing to do with their business. She-po
could not control the Strait of Malacca and its navy was weak to dominate the
The center of San-fo-chi
the defeat by Sanjaya, Śailendra seemed
to retreat to their old sanctuary of Śrīvijaya. They formed new ‘federation of
states’ called ‘San-fo-chi’ which included
But many scholars believe that ‘San-fo-chi’ came from ‘Zabag’ as Arabic merchants called them.
At first, Bālaputra might have fled to
According to Indian record at the beginning of the eleventh century the Mahārāja was the ruler of Kedah.
R.C. Majumdar says;
This means, the Mahārāja of San-fo-chi was the king of Kedah, in other word, the capital of San-fo-chi was located at Kedah, instead of Jambi at the tenth century. While the reign of Rājarāja, the Great was 985~1014, so nearly at the end of the tenth century, the ruler of San-fo-chi called himself as ‘King of Kadaram (Kedah).
The position of
992, the invasion from Java (the old Mataram) to San-fo-chi was recorded in
‘the History of the Sung.’ At that time, the envoy from of San-fo-chi stayed at
Champa on his way back to the home country. He could not go back to San-fo-chi,
so he returned to
Probably, at the time, the capital of San-fo-chi might be Jambi, which was vulnerable to attack from Java. Since then, the capital of San-fo-chi might be shifted to Kedah or the king of Jambi lost power.
Anyway, after this event, Java (闍婆＝She-po) ceased to send envoy to China after big mission in 992 until 1192. On the other hand San-fo-chi had been sending continually many embassies.
However, ‘happy time’ for San-fo-chi did not last so long.
The San-fo-chi’s relation with the Sung dynasty
As soon as the Sung dynasty started in 960, San-fo-chi frequently sent its embassies to the court. According to the Sung Hui Yao(宋会要), In 960, the first embassy of San-fo-chi was sent to the Sung under the name of king Sri Hu-da-xia-li-tan(釈利胡大霞里檀=Sri Gupta Haridana?) and in 961 in summer time the same king sent another mission, but in winter time another king named Sri Vijaya (室利烏耶) sent an envoy to the court.
Apparently the second king ‘Sri Vijaya’ is not a personal name, just representing San-fo-chi, at the same time San-fo-chi might consist of plural kingdoms. As the king of San-fo-chi, king Sri Vijaya continued to send embassies to the Sung court, in 962 two times (March and December),970, 971, 972, 974, 975 and in 980 the name of San-fo-chi’s king changed to ‘Xia-chi (夏池)’. R.C. Majumdar says that Xia-chi probably stands for old Malay word ‘Haji’ which means ‘king’.
In this case, San-fo-chi did not use the personal name of the king. This fact suggests San-fo-chi is not a polity governed by a single king.
In this context, I suppose there existed two major streams of kingship in San-fo-chi, one is ‘Jambi line’ and another is ‘Kedah line’. Both lines did not compete against each other but cooperate.
San-fo-chi continued sending its
embassies to China, in 983, 985, 988, 989, 990 and in 993, Pu-yi-tuo(蒲抑陀)
,the ambassador of San-fo-chi who visited the Sung in 990, reported to the Sung
court that She-po (闍婆or Java ) invaded to San-fo-chi and he
could not return to his home-country (in this case probably Jambi) and he came
Meanwhile San-fo-chi resumed sending embassies in 1003, 1008, 1017, 1018 and 1019. However from the west, Cola attacked San-fo-chi around in 1025.
According to the Sung Shih(宋史), in 1003, the king of San-fo-chi, Śrī Cūdāmanivarmadeva（思離咮囉無尼佛麻調華＝Si-li-zhu-luo-mo-ni-fu-ma-tiao-hua ) sent his envoy to China and asked the emperor for the name and bell for its newly built temple. The emperor willingly gave the name as ‘Cheng Tian Wan Shou=承天萬壽=From Heaven receiving ten thousand years prosperity）’ with a large bell. In 1008, the king Śrī Māravijayottungavarman (思離麻囉皮) sent an embassy to the Sung. In 1017, 1018 and1019 king Haji Suvarnabhumi (霞遅蘇勿吨蒲迷) sent missions.
the same time, Cola sent its ambassadors in 1015, 1016 and 1020. According to
the Sung Shih, the first envoy was sent by Rājarāja
the Great(985-1014) , in 1015, the ambassador told to the
Sung court that Cola is very far from
Moreover Cola might have found two problems, the first was the direct journey to China through the Malacca Straits was very time-consuming and if Cola could use the trans-peninsular trade route it might be very convenient and the second issue was that San-fo-chi was the biggest obstacle to trade with China.
At that time San-fo-chi was controlling
Chu-fan-chih(諸蕃志) compiled by Chao Ju-kua（趙汝适）in 1225 describes as follows:
“After selling one third of its commodities, every ship can enter San-fo-chi’s harbor, if a merchant ship try to skip to enter the port, the navy comes out immediately and fight until death, so San-fo-chi’s port is always crowded with foreign ships.” 「経商三分一始入其国」「若商舶過不入、即出船合戦、期以必死、故国之舟輻湊焉。」
San-fo-chi’s purpose of purchasing western goods is to make profit by re-exporting them especially to the Sung court as the tributes. The court returned much more precious items to the tributary countries. The Sung court favored these western goods such as frankincense(乳香), perfume, pearl, Indian cotton. San-fo-chi’s profit was so big, and Jambi constructed many Mahayanist temples at Muaro Jambi.
Cola invaded San-fo-chi.
Cola was a state of
Cola decided to invade San-fo-chi and to secure the easy
and convenient trade route to
The record of Rājēndra I’s campaign was inscribed on the south wall of the Tanjore temple.
Probably in 1025, Cola caught Sangrāma- Vijayayōţţuńgavarman, the king of Kadaram, together with elephants in his glorious army, took the large heap of treasures.
According to the Tanjore inscription, Cola attacked as follows.
On the west coast of the Malay
peninsula, Kadaram (Kataha or Kidaram=Kedah) was heavily attacked and
Probably Cola completely occupied Kedah where was fully dominated by Cola. The target of Cola was the territory of San-fo-chi but its main target was without doubt Kedah. In 1079, Jambi sent its own envoy to the Sung under the name of San-fo-chi, but the Sung court rejected to give award to Jambi, on the ground that Sung would give award only to San-fo-chi, not to the individual ‘member state’ of San-fo-chi. In case of ‘San-fo-chi Cola’, it is a subordinate state and not a ‘member state’, so ‘San-fo-chi Cola’ was given the award from the Sung.
Cola dominated Kedah because Kedah was in the commanding position both for the
In 1020, Cola sent an envoy to the Sung and in 1028 San-fo-chi sent its embassy to the Sung under the name of king Śrī Deva(室離畳華) and the ambassador’s name is Pu-ya-tuo-luo-xie（蒲押陀羅歇）. In 1033, Cola sent an embassy under the name of king Śrī Rāja Rājendra Coladeva (尸離囉茶印陁注囉) and his ambassador was Pu-ya-tuo-luo(蒲押陀羅）who might be the same person of San-fo-chi’s envoy in 1028. King Śrī Deva probably came from king Śrī Rāja Rājendra Coladeva. In fact in 1028 Cola sent its envoy under the name of San-fo-chi. This means Cola might have completed the occupation of San-fo-chi soon after 1025.
Quaritch Wales say:
in 1028 a new and evidently fully independent Śrīvijayan emperor was sending an
However, in 1028 Kedah was not an independent Śrīvijayan state, but perfectly under control of Cola.
In 1077, according to the Sung Shih, San-fo-chi sent ‘the great governor (大首領)’, De-hua-jia-luo (地華伽羅＝Deva Kulo) and in the same text, the king of Cola, De-hua-jia-luo (地華伽羅＝Deva Kulo) sent an ambassador whose name is Qi-luo-luo(奇囉囉）to the Sung court.
Probably ‘Deva Kulo’ came from the king of Cola, Rājendra-Deva-Kulotuńga (1070-1119).
Furthermore the’ great governor’ and the’ King of Cola’ was the same person, namely ‘Deva-Kulo’. In 1077, the ambassador from San-fo-chi, Deva Kulo, went himself to the Sung court, at the same time, the King of Cola, Rājendra-Deva-Kulotuńga also Deva Kulo, sent his envoy to the Sung.
It looks a little complicated, but after Cola occupied Kedah (the capital of San-fo-chi), Deva Kulo who became the King of Cola in 1070, as Rājendra-Deva-Kulotuńga, was dispatched to Kedah, as the governor from Cola.
name of Deva Kulo(地華伽羅) was well acknowledged by Sung before 1070,
because he contacted the Sung court as the governor of San-fo-chi (Kedah) before he became
the King of Cola in 1070. At that time Deva Kulo was a crown prince of Cola.
Deva Kulo helped the Sung for the reconstruction of a temple at
In 1080, the Sung court
was informed of the death of Deva Kulo at Kedah and his hair and nail were sent
Was Cola a subordinate state of San-fo-chi ?
According to the Sung Shih, in 1106 when the envoy of Pagan (蒲甘) visited to the Sung court, he was given the emperor’s documents, and he thought to make a file of them. Occasionally he found the file of Cola and he wanted to make the same style of file. At that time an high-ranking official of the Sung court suggested that Pagan could not imitate the Cola’s file, because Cola belonged to San-fo-chi (注輦役属三仏斉), and Pagan is a big country, so Pagan should make a gorgeous file like that of Da-shi (大食=Arab) or Jiao-zhi (交趾).
This is very curious
because Cola is a well known large country and conquered San-fo-chi, around
1025 with strong navy. However the Sung court acknowledged Cola was a vassal
state of San-fo-chi. The reason is clear because Cola reported to the Sung that
it became a subordinate of San-fo-chi. Cola concealed the fact it conquered San-fo-chi.
If Cola reported honestly that it conquered San-fo-chi, the Sung court would
not have allowed Cola to continue sending embassies. In
the Sung court also knew that the mission of Cola came to
According to the Sung Shih,’San-fo-chi Cola’ sent envoys in 1077, 1079, 1082, 1088 and 1090. San-fo-chi Jambi also sent its missions in 1079 and 1082. On the other hand, San-fo-chi with its own name sent missions in 1084, 1088, 1094, 1095, 1128, 1156 (3times) and 1178.
The missions after 1090 might be independent, meaning be free from Cola.
However the last envoy of San-fo-chi was in
1178. That because the South Sung’s trade policy was changed basically. The South Sung spent huge
amount of money to provide big army to prepare invasion from its northern
rivals. So the Sung government could not afford to accept foreign missions with
tributes. The Chinese emperor used to give back larger gifts for the tributes.
Such kind of exchange of gifts was substantially a form of foreign trade. The
South Sung government abolished such diplomatic exchange of gifts and
established more businesslike trade system. Instead the South Sung government
expanded the functions and organizations of ‘Maritime Control System (市舶司制度）’. This system started in the
Tang times to handle private merchant ships from abroad. For the imports, the
government levied ‘import duty’ and sometimes bought 100% special goods from foreign
merchants. The government provided big warehouses to stock such precious goods
and the government sold them to the local merchants with big margin. That was
the easiest way to make profit for the government. The last stage of the Sung,
even San-fo-chi had to obey this rule. However, under the sea custom system,
the organization of San-fo-chi became useless. Perhaps individual state of San-fo-chi
group went to
In the Yuan times, as a matter of course, San-fo-chi
never appeared, but only the name of Malayu (木剌由)
was recorded in the Yuan-Shih. However San-fo-chi suddenly appeared in the Ming
At first, the Ming
court was cheated and accepted
Ma-Huan(馬歓)’s description of “Ying-Yai Sheng-Lan(瀛涯勝覧), in 1416, on ‘San-fo-chi’ is basically
mistaken. ‘San-fo-chi’ did not exist in the Ming times. However, Ma-Huan’s
misunderstanding was the starting point of the ‘
Record of the BUDDHIST RELIGION as practiced in
* Q. Wales ‘The Malay Peninsula in Hindu Times’ Bernard Quaritch, LTD, 1976, p123~4.
* In 670, a country named ‘Kha-la (訶羅) sent an envoy to the Tang. Kuwata assumes ‘Kha-la’ as Kha-ling.
* R.C. Majumdar：Suvarnadvipa Cosmo 20on 04,p157
 * G. Coedès; The Indianized States of Southeast
Asia (English Edition), 1963,
* G. Coedès; 1963, p96
* Soon after707, Water Chen-la was separated from Chen-la, of which territory was the Mekong Delta, but details are unknown.
 * R.C. Majumdar ：Suvarnadvipa Cosmo 2004,p103~105
 * R.C. Majumdar ：Suvarnadvipa Cosmo 2004,p112~113
 * G.
Coedès；The Indianized States of
* R.C. Majumdar ：Suvarnadvipa Cosmo 2004,p79~80
* G. Coedès; 1963, p55
* O.W. Wolters “Early Indonesian Commerce” 1967 p212
Coedès, 1963, p51. G. Coedès says “This Red-Earth
Land, must have been located on the
*P. Wheatley, The
* G. Coedès 1963, p57
* G. Coedès, 1963, p68
* P. Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese, 1961, p289
* O.W. Wolters :Early Indonesian Commerce, 1967 p234
* P.Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese, 1961 p49
* G. Coedès: 1963, p82
* G. Coedès 1963, p83
* G. Coedès 1963 p91
was a strong emperor (ruled 810~850) of the Pala Empire of
* G. Coedès 1963 p92
* G. Coedès 1963 p84
* R.C. Majumdar,’Suvernadvipa’ Cosmo 2004,P149-153
* G. Coedès 1963 p89
* G. Coedès, 1963, p88
* At Oxford University, in early 1880’s under Professor Max Müller a Japanese Buddhist student named Mr. Kenjiu Kasawara tried to translate I-Ching’s text but did not complete.
* Even Dr. Quaritch
Wales believed that I-Ching landed
* Q.Wales:Towards Angkor”1937 (p172, foot note)
* G. Coedès, Making of
* G. Coedès, The
Indianization States of
* I-ching wrote on
his return from
* P. Wheatley, 1961 p297
* R.C. Majumdar,’Suvernadvipa’ Cosmo 2004,P152~3
* R.C. Majumdar,’Suvernadvipa’ Cosmo 2004,P45
* R.C. Majumdar “Suvarnadvipa”,Cosmo 2004, p160
* R.C. Majumdar “Suvarnadvipa”, Cosmo 2004, p168
* R.C. Majumdar, Suvarnadvipa, Cosmo 2004 p167
The copyright belongs to Takashi Suzuki